昨天陪父亲看病的时候，等待叫号的时候和父亲聊了聊过去的事情，看病的过程就不想细说了。医生看了报检查报告单之后，也只是摇头叹气。
人总是这样，平时你平日里朝夕相处，也没有想到要多陪父亲说说话，各忙各的工作，只管小孩，和自己的生活，即便是闲下来了。想到的也是打两盘游戏，自己的亲人对他的经历你又了解多少呢？除了小时候一点朦朦朦胧的记忆，其实对父亲的人生真的是知之甚少。
通过这次聊天也多少知道了一点，父亲是著名的老三界——文革期间，初中上了一半，就碰到了知识青年上山下乡的运动。当时他被分配到离黄石不远的蕲春县和农民们同吃同住还下地干活。
那时候，农村实行的是人民公社。村民和知识青年们被编入生产队，这也是按照马克思的理论，搞所谓的公有制的体现，大家都为人民公社干活，而不是为自己干活，再根据劳力计算工分——分配生活物资。本地的农民公分计10分，父亲这样的城市来的知识青年只能记8分，所以干下来后扣除食宿根本就没有多余的积蓄。而且蕲春地区的土质，含沙量非常高，种出来的稻谷里面也有。有很多的沙子，要用个大瓢反复淘洗，最后煮熟的饭仍然有很多沙。当时爸爸当时下放的蕲春农村，为了贯彻公有制，而对每家每户养鸡的数量进行了限制。超过这个数量就会被认为是走资本主义道路。
父亲的这段经历可以看出，前三十年所谓艰辛探索的公有制社会实验，基本上是失败的，并没有给民众的生活带来任何的改善。
好在这样艰苦的生活持续了大约一年多，铁路系统招工，爸爸乘这个机会就又回到了武汉。就是在当时长江上第一座跨江大桥——武汉长江大桥上当维护工。因为这座桥是铁路、公路两用桥，也归铁路部门管理。父亲的职责就是维护长江大桥上的栏杆，一是给它刷油漆。如果栏杆被汽车撞坏了，就负责恢恢复。当时长江大桥还有一支专门的守桥部队，父亲就和他们一起同吃同住，在文革那个物资比较匮乏的年代，应该还算是较好的待遇了。
Yesterday, while accompanying my father to see a doctor, I chatted with him about the past while waiting for a call. I don't want to go into detail about the process of seeing a doctor. After reading the examination report, the doctor just shook his head and sighed.
People are always like this. Usually, you spend time with your father day and night, but you don't expect to spend more time talking to him. Everyone is busy with their own work, only caring about their children and their own lives, even when they have free time. What comes to mind is also playing two games, how much do you know about his experiences with your family? Apart from a vague memory from childhood, I actually know very little about my father's life.
Through this conversation, I also learned a little bit that my father was a famous figure in the Old Three Realms. During the Cultural Revolution, halfway through middle school, I came across the movement of educated youth going to the countryside. At that time, he was assigned to Qichun County, not far from Huangshi, to live and eat with farmers and work in the fields.
At that time, people's communes were implemented in rural areas. Villagers and educated youth are incorporated into the production team, which is also a manifestation of the so-called public ownership according to Marx's theory. Everyone works for the people's commune, not for themselves, and then calculates work points based on labor - distributing daily necessities. Local farmers earn 10 points per centimeter, while educated young people from cities like my father can only earn 8 points. Therefore, after deducting food and accommodation, they have no extra savings. Moreover, the soil in Qichun area has a very high sand content, and the rice grown also contains it. There is a lot of sand that needs to be washed repeatedly with a large ladle, and the cooked rice still has a lot of sand in the end. At that time, my father placed restrictions on the number of chickens raised in each household in the rural area of Qichun, in order to implement public ownership. Exceeding this number will be considered as taking the capitalist path.
My father's experience shows that the so-called arduous exploration of the public ownership society experiment in the first thirty years was basically a failure and did not bring any improvement to the people's lives.
Fortunately, this difficult life lasted for about a year, and the railway system was recruiting workers. My father took this opportunity to return to Wuhan. I worked as a maintenance worker on the Wuhan Yangtze River Bridge, the first cross river bridge on the Yangtze River at that time. Because this bridge is a dual-use railway and highway bridge, it is also managed by the railway department. My father's responsibility is to maintain the railings on the Yangtze River Bridge, firstly by painting them. If the railing is damaged by a car, it is responsible for restoring it. At that time, there was a dedicated bridge guarding team on the Yangtze River Bridge, and my father lived and ate with them. During the Cultural Revolution, when resources were relatively scarce, it should have been considered a relatively good treatment.